Why Try to Inject Everyone?
Promises that only the most vulnerable groups would be vaccinated were quickly reneged on. Within a matter of weeks, the rhetoric shifted to vaccinating everyone...
For the reasons given in Part 2, the idea of mandatory vaccination for the population should never have been on the table.
Nevertheless, the idea of mandatory vaccination was seeded early during the “Covid-19 pandemic.” Promises that only the most vulnerable groups would be vaccinated were quickly reneged on. Within a matter of weeks, the rhetoric shifted to vaccinating everyone, and even pregnant women and children were offered the jab despite a paucity of safety data.
Seeding the Idea of Mandatory Vaccination
As early as May 4, 2020 — barely six weeks after the first UK “lockdown” was declared — Health Secretary Matt Hancock claimed that “very, very high levels of vaccination” should be possible without making it mandatory, owing to the “obvious benefits to individuals and their families and their communities and indeed the whole nation” (cited in Rough & Powell, 2021, p. 70).
On May 9, 2020, the BBC dismissed the idea of compulsory vaccination as a “rumour” (Goodman, 2020). We will return to the distinction between compulsory and mandatory vaccination below, but for now it is enough to note that the British state broadcaster quickly floated the possibility of compulsory vaccination, even while ruling it out.
No sooner had Pfizer announced positive clinical trial results on November 9, 2020, than ITV’s Good Morning Britain ran a feature titled “Following the news that a Covid-19 vaccine could be just around the corner, should the vaccine be mandatory?” In an accompanying poll, 64% of 40,000 respondents said no, leaving over a third supposedly in favour of violating the principle of informed consent (Cain, 2020).
A contemporaneous petition titled “Prevent any restrictions on those who refuse a Covid-19 vaccination” garnered 337,000 signatures, prompting the government to respond that “There are currently no plans to place restrictions on those who refuse to have any potential Covid-19 vaccine” (Castle, 2020, my emphasis). This did not rule out such restrictions, which did eventually come into force.
Health Secretary Hancock claimed on November 16, 2020, that the government was not considering mandating vaccinations for NHS workers, but that he had learned “not to rule things out during this pandemic” (cited in Yorke, 2020). A year later, most NHS workers were told they would need to get the shot to keep their jobs.
The Prime Minister claimed on November 23, 2020, “There will be no compulsory vaccination. That’s not the way we do things in this country” (Reuters, 2020). His words were chosen carefully: according to the House of Commons Library briefing paper, UK Vaccination Policy, “compulsory” refers to “the criminalisation of vaccine refusal,” whereas “mandatory” means that “social goods or services offered by the State may be withheld [...]” (Rough, 2021, p. 39). Johnson thus did not rule out the latter forms of coercion.
An email from the office of Nadine Dorries MP on November 24, 2020, revealed how things could work: “if you [choose] not to take the vaccine, then you will face short-term restrictions to prevent you infecting anyone else until society has achieved herd immunity. Your fundamental rights to choose whether or not you take the vaccine do not include a right to endanger others” (Goffe, 2020). The email was blamed on the junior member of staff who sent it, yet it uncannily foreshadowed what followed in 2021.
On November 30, 2020, Hancock told a press briefing “we do not plan to mandate the vaccine,” leaving “vaccine” mandates open as a possibility (Hayes et al., 2020).
On December 2, 2020, the Prime Minister told Parliament “it is no part of our culture or our ambition in this country to make vaccines mandatory. That is not how we do things” (Hansard, 2020). Once more, the idea of mandatory “vaccination” was seeded – and the rollout was only just beginning.
“Just the Most Vulnerable”
At first, messaging around “vaccination” was pitched at a level that made epidemiological sense: “vaccinate” the elderly and the vulnerable so that they are protected against “Covid-19.” For example, on December 8, 2020, when the first “Covid-19 vaccine” was given in the UK, Matt Hancock told Talk Radio that the government could ease restrictions once the most vulnerable people in society had received the vaccine (Sansome, 2020).
On December 27, 2020, a Metro front page headline read “UK ‘could be free of lockdowns by February’ once 15,000,000 have jabs” and a similar headline in the Mail on January 3, 2021, read “Countdown to 15 million jabs... and freedom day” (King, 2020; Adams, 2021). The 15 million figure referred to vulnerable groups.
According to the Joint Committee on Vaccination and Immunisation (an “independent expert advisory committee” that advises UK health departments) on December 30, 2020, “It is estimated that taken together, these groups [i.e., the over-50s plus ‘frontline workers’] represent around 99% of preventable mortality from COVID-19” (JCVI, 2020). Therefore, in terms of preventable mortality, there was no need for the under-50s and non-frontline workers to get “jabbed.”
Chief Medical Officers in the UK recommended that “as many people on the JCVI priority list as possible should sequentially be offered a first vaccine dose as the initial priority” (Department of Health and Social Care, 2020). There was no obvious indication at the time that the “Covid-19 vaccine” rollout would extend beyond the JCVI priority list.
“Covid-19” appeared on the death certificates of very few people under the age of 60, falling to almost no children (Office for National Statistics, n.d.). So again, why “vaccinate” the under-60s? Why “vaccinate” children? Even for the over-60s, the risks of the virus may have been worth bearing. It turned out, for instance, that 99.95% of under-70s survived “Covid-19” (Ioannidis, 2021).
“Vaccinating” the Entire Population
Limiting the number of people getting injected was never the plan, however. On January 3, 2021, Blair claimed on Sky News that the UK could potentially “vaccinate the entire population in a matter of weeks” (cited in Shaw, 2021, my emphasis). For the first time, the spectre of universal vaccination slid into view.
Mark Harper MP (2021) asked Matt Hancock in Parliament on January 6, 2021: once the most vulnerable groups had been vaccinated against Covid, what possible reason was there for restrictions to remain?
On January 9, 2021, Hancock claimed that “the goal is not to ensure that we vaccinate the whole population before [hospitalisation rates decline], it is to vaccinate those who are most vulnerable” (cited in Forsyth & Nelson, 2021). This implied that the “vaccine” rollout would continue even after hospitalisation rates declined.
The following day, the BBC’s Andrew Marr put it to Hancock: “The inventor of the Pfizer vaccine said you had to vaccinate everybody by the autumn. Are you going to be able to do that?” (“Covid-19: ‘Every adult will be offered a vaccine,’” my emphasis). Hancock replied with an enthusiastic “Yes!” and proceeded to explain that “we’ll keep going down the age spectrum,” offering a “vaccine” to every UK adult by September 2021. A BBC write up of the Marr interview buried a solitary mention of the plan for universal “vaccination” near the bottom of the article, evidently keen not to draw too much public attention to it (“Covid-19: Hancock warns,” 2021).
On February 9, 2021, the former Chancellor of the Exchequer, George Osborne (2021), claimed that “we [who, exactly?] could make vaccination compulsory,” like jury service and paying taxes, even though this “smacks of state compulsion.” It is far from clear that this was ever the case, but the threat was used to intimidate people into taking the shot anyway.
Dr. Susan Hopkins of Public Health England (an executive agency of the Department of Health and Social Care) told Sky News on February 12, 2021, “I think we are going to have to have some measures in place until the whole population is vaccinated, at least all of the adult population. And even then I think we’ll need to know more about transmission before we can release everything and get back to life as it was” (cited in Allegretti, 2021).
On February 14, 2021, the BBC offered the flimsiest of pretexts for expanding the “vaccination” programme to all adults by September, i.e. that the under-70s accounted for just under half of “Covid-19” hospitalisations (Triggle, 2021). Here, the rush to inject was not even justified by saving lives primarily.
Vaccinating Pregnant Women
If the “vaccines” were “safe and effective” for everyone, then the litmus test was surely pregnant women. There are very good reasons to be extra careful around vaccinating pregnant women, because of potential harm to the fetus.
Again, the advice began sensibly. For instance, according to Public Health England (2020) on November 27, 2020, “Although the available data do not indicate any safety concern or harm to pregnancy, there is insufficient evidence to recommend routine use of COVID-19 vaccines during pregnancy. Vaccination should be postponed until completion of pregnancy.” This guidance was echoed by the JCVI (Kitching, 2020).
According to UK Government Regulation 174 (as applied to the Pfizer-BioNTech product) on December 4, 2020, “Animal reproductive toxicity studies have not been completed. COVID-19 mRNA Vaccine BNT162b2 is not recommended during pregnancy.” It was “unknown” whether Pfizer’s product had an “impact on fertility,” and women of childbearing age were advised to “avoid pregnancy for at least 2 months after their second dose” (see Cummings McLean, 2020).
The JCVI (2020, p. 7) advised on December 30, 2020 that “breastfeeding women may be offered vaccination with the Pfizer-BioNTech or AstraZeneca COVID-19 vaccines.” Yet, a year later, after the rollout was mostly complete, the December 2021 version of Regulation 174 admitted “It is unknown whether the COVID-19 mRNA Vaccine BNT162b2 is excreted in human milk” (Department of Health and Social Care and MHRA, 2021). In other words, no one knew whether the “vaccine” contents were passed on to breastfeeding babies.
“Covid-19 vaccines” were offered to pregnant women in the UK without adequate safety data, but with the blessing of the Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency, the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists, and the chief scientific adviser to the Department of Health, Professor Lucy Chappell (Beck, 2022).
In the United States, early CDC “V-safe” data on the Pfizer-BioNTech “vaccine” were alarming. By Day 5 (December 18, 2020), 112,807 registrants had received the first dose, including 514 pregnant women, and already 3,150 “health impact events” had been registered, defined as “unable to perform normal daily activities, unable to work, required care from doctor or health care professional” (Clark, 2020). That is 2.79% of the total, implying that 14 pregnant women were harmed if the “health impact events” were distributed evenly across demographics.
Pfizer and BioNTech commenced a global clinical trial to evaluate the vaccine in pregnant women on February 18, 2021. Yet, already by February 12, 2021, the US Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System (VAERS) had received 111 reports of adverse events experienced by women who were pregnant at the time of their Pfizer or Moderna injection, 31% of which involved miscarriages or preterm births (Children’s Health Defence Team, 2021). By April 1, 2021, the combined miscarriage and preterm birth rate was 29% as per VAERS, far higher than the standard miscarriage rate of 23%, dropping to 5% from Week 6 (Mercola, 2021).
Nevertheless, both the CDC and the WHO advised pregnant women to get vaccinated.
In September 2021, Public Health England recommended that women be told about “the limited evidence of safety for the vaccine in pregnancy” and should discuss the risks and benefits with their doctors (Rough & Powell 2021, p. 37).
The December 2021 version of Regulation 174 likewise states that the Pfizer-BioNTech “vaccine” should only be considered for pregnant women “when the potential benefits outweigh any potential risks for the mother and foetus” (Department of Health and Social Care and MHRA, 2021).
Yet, the risks were barely made known amidst an avalanche of pro-”vaccine” propaganda. The BBC, for instance, began promoting the “vaccine” for pregnant women as early as January 2021, even though no manufacturer was due to complete a scientific trial in expectant mothers before December that year (Beck, 2021). It also played down the risks of the shots by only pointing to period changes as a short-term side effect (Robinson & Schraer, 2021). Tony Blair in October 2021 called for pregnant women to be vaccinated faster (Culbertson, 2021).
Vaccinating Children
The US Food and Drug Administration noted on December 10, 2020, that there were “insufficient data to make conclusions about the safety of the vaccine in subpopulations such as children less than 16 years of age, pregnant and lactating individuals, and immunocompromised individuals” (FDA, 2020, p. 49).
Nevertheless, the FDA approved Pfizer’s Comirnaty “vaccine” for those aged 16 years and under in August 2021, and by September 2021 under-16s were being injected transnationally. “Emergency” Use Authorisation for that product was granted for those aged six months to four years (!) in June 2022, long after the “Covid-19 emergency” was over.
I wrote at the time about the lack of adequate justification for extending the “vaccine” rollout to children:
The rollout has been predicated on shifting narratives, obfuscations, faux justifications, outright lies, regulatory capture of supposed guardians of the public interest, and mass propaganda. Evidence of actual and potential injuries to children has accumulated from before the beginning of the rollout, in spite of repeated attempts to cover it up. (Hughes, 2022, p. 209)
“Lockdowns” were scandalously used to promote the “vaccination” of children, which was medically senseless and unethical (Hughes, 2022). For example, SAGE’s John Edmunds claimed on June 30, 2021, that school children needed to have at least one injection before restrictions could be relaxed (Davies, 2021).
According to Sunday Times science editor Ben Spencer (2021), “Lockdown bought us this freedom. Now focus on vaccinating the young.” In reality, “lockdowns” represented the worst assault on freedom in supposed peacetime history, and the idea that even children needed to be injected for restrictions to lift was scientifically false and morally abhorrent.
WEF agenda contributor Trisha Greenhalgh, along with Susan Michie (SAGE and Independent SAGE), Christine Pagel (Independent SAGE), and others, wrote on July 7, 2021, that “the government should delay complete re-opening until everyone, including adolescents, have been offered vaccination and uptake is high” (Gurdasani et al., 2021). Even as restrictions were finally lifted on July 19, 2021, Michie claimed that this should not happen “until we’ve finished the vaccination programme” (cited in Allen, 2021).
The end of restrictions meant that there was no emergency that could legitimise the ongoing “vaccine” rollout. Yet, still the rollout continued, working down the age ranges until, shamefully, it reached children in September 2021.
Brandon Schadt, a Regional Business Lead at Johnson & Johnson, was exposed by Project Veritas (2021) that month as claiming “It’s a kid, you just don’t do that, you know? Not something that’s so unknown in terms of repercussions down the road, you know? [...] Kids shouldn’t get a f***ing [Covid-19] vaccine.”
Conclusion
There was no good reason to try “vaccinating” everyone. Indeed, the sudden unexplained switch from “only the most vulnerable” in late 2020 to offering the “vaccine” to everyone in 2021 was deeply suspect.
Offering products with minimal safety data to pregnant women and children who did not need them was ethically fraught and morally reprehensible. Those who pushed the shots on those groups – politicians, media talking heads, regulators, so-called “experts” – have much to answer for.
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